Britain today · Immigration

Net migration has fallen sharply to 171,000 (provisional) — but the total hides very different gross flows by route

171,000 people arrived long-term more than left, on the latest provisional estimate — but 813,000 arrived in total, and net migration and immigration answer different questions. This page keeps them separate rather than reducing the picture to one number.

Read this first — what else changes the meaning of the headline

Gross immigration
813k

813,000 people arrived long-term in the year ending December 2025 — down from a ~1.44 million peak in 2023, but far larger than the net figure alone suggests.

ONS, Long-term international migration, provisional (YE Dec 2025 edition, Tables 1 & 4b)

Gross emigration
~642k(calculated)

UK Facts calculation: gross immigration minus published net migration, using ONS's own definition. Not a separately-published ONS headline figure.

ONS, Long-term international migration, provisional (YE Dec 2025 edition, Tables 1 & 4b) (UK Facts calculation)

Asylum share of non-EU+ arrivals
14%

Work and study routes make up most non-EU+ arrivals by reason — asylum, which dominates headlines, is a minority of the total.

ONS, Long-term international migration (Table 4b)

British and EU+ net migration
Both negative

More British and EU+ nationals left the UK than arrived in 2025 — all of the positive net total comes from non-EU+ nationals.

ONS, Long-term international migration (Table 1)

171k
Long-term net migration
United Kingdom · YE Dec 2025

Provisional; rounded to the nearest 1,000; Official statistics in development; subject to routine revision for roughly 12 months.

NeutralProvisional· down from 331k in the year ending December 2024 (as revised)Source: ONS Long-term international migration, provisional

Gross migration: who is arriving, and why

813,000 people immigrated long-term in the year ending December 2025 — down from a peak of about 1.44 million in 2023. Switch views to see arrivals split by nationality, or non-EU+ arrivals split by reason.

Who is arriving: British nationals returning (mostly expats), EU+ nationals, and non-EU+ nationals. Full 14-year span of the ONS series.

View data table
Year (ending Dec)British nationals returning ('000s)EU+ nationals ('000s)Non-EU+ nationals ('000s)
201279334230
201376402234
201481457241
201578481238
201670465237
201784411257
201874421330
201971349368
202052316294
2021164173610
20221661411091
20231501031188
202414091780
202511076627

Figures are thousands of people per year-ending-December period, rounded to the nearest 1,000 by ONS, so stacked segments can differ from published totals by a few thousand. The UK does not publish an 'illegal immigration' component of long-term migration; the closest sourced measure is the ONS asylum category, which includes people who arrived irregularly (e.g. by small boat) as well as those who claimed asylum after arriving via a regular route. The by-reason split is only published for non-EU+ nationals, and only from 2019. YE Dec 2025 is provisional.

Source: ONS, Long-term international migration, provisional (YE Dec 2025 edition, Tables 1 & 4b) · as of YE Dec 2025 (provisional), published 21 May 2026

What share of UK immigration is asylum and humanitarian routes?

Asylum seekers, refugees and people arriving on refugee family reunion visas, as a share of total immigration to the UK in 2025.

Scope note: Commons Library figure for long-term immigration (entry via a visa or asylum claim); it excludes short-term visitors. "Other immigration" covers work, study, standard family and all remaining routes. If the Hong Kong BN(O) scheme is counted as humanitarian, the humanitarian share rises to around 17%.

View data table
What share of UK immigration is asylum and humanitarian routes?United Kingdom. Source: ONS, Long-term international migration (immigration by reason); share computed by the House of Commons Library. 2025.
CategoryShare
Asylum, refugees & family reunion (humanitarian)16%
Work, study, standard family & other routes84%

United Kingdom · Source: ONS, Long-term international migration (immigration by reason); share computed by the House of Commons Library · as of 2025

What the facts show

Long-term net migration has fallen

The latest provisional estimate is lower than the revised estimate for the previous year.

View data table
PeriodNet migrationStatus
YE Dec 2024331,000Revised in May 2026 release
YE Dec 2025171,000Provisional

Source: ONS Long-term international migration, provisional · as of YE Dec 2025

Net migration: arrivals minus departures

Net migration was 171,000 in the year ending December 2025 — nearly half the 331,000 of 2024, and far below the 2023 peak of 848,000. British and EU+ net migration are both negative: more left than arrived.

Arrivals minus departures for each group. Bars below zero mean more of that group left the UK than arrived — true of British nationals in every year of the series. The line is the overall net total.

View data table
Year (ending Dec)British nationals (net) ('000s)EU+ nationals (net) ('000s)Non-EU+ nationals (net) ('000s)Total net migration ('000s)
2012-7220661195
2013-8126263244
2014-8027787284
2015-7328788303
2016-9425390249
2017-81176114208
2018-72170178276
2019-8280186184
2020-787010193
2021-6915522467
2022-81-9981891
2023-104-531005848
2024-117-63511331
2025-136-42350171

Bars below the zero line are groups where departures exceeded arrivals in that year — true of British nationals in every year of this series. Segments are rounded independently by ONS, so they can differ from the total line by a few thousand. YE Dec 2025 is provisional; earlier years reflect ONS revisions up to the May 2026 release.

Source: ONS, Long-term international migration, provisional (YE Dec 2025 edition, Tables 1 & 4b) · as of YE Dec 2025 (provisional), published 21 May 2026

Detected arrivals via illegal entry routes

46,497 arrivals were detected on illegal routes in 2025 — below the 2022 peak of 54,574, but 7% above 2024. Small boats now account for nearly nine in ten detections; clandestine entry through ports has almost disappeared.

Every person detected arriving in the UK by an illegal entry route, by how they arrived. Small boats are 73% of the eight-year total but were a small minority before 2020 — the other routes have shrunk as boats have grown.

View data table
YearSmall boat arrivalsInadequately documented air arrivalsDetected in the UK shortly after entryDetected at UK ports
20182994,7697,2571,052
20191,8435,2378,492959
20208,4662,3285,428808
202128,5262,5615,036662
202245,7745,1303,379291
202329,4373,8542,836236
202436,8163,3492,900225
202541,4723,0271,817181

These are detected arrival EVENTS on illegal entry routes — the best available official indicator, but not a count of illegal immigration. They exclude anyone who entered undetected, anyone who overstayed a visa, and anyone refused asylum who remains in the UK. The series begins in 2018; no comparable published series exists for earlier years, so no honest 15-year total can be built from it. Almost all small-boat arrivals go on to claim asylum, and 39% of initial decisions in the year to March 2026 were grants of protection — so a detected arrival is not the same as a person living here unlawfully. 2026 is excluded as only part-year data is published.

Source: Home Office, Illegal entry routes to the UK detailed dataset (YE March 2026), table IER_D01 · as of Calendar years 2018–2025 (2026 excluded — part-year only)

What the net figure alone doesn't show

171,000 is the number most headlines lead with. It is real, but it is one summary of a much larger, more varied set of flows.

Net migration is not immigration

Net migration (171k) is the difference between people arriving and people leaving. It is a much smaller number than gross immigration (813,000) — the two answer different questions, and only gross immigration describes the scale of new arrivals in a given year.

Source: ONS, Long-term international migration, provisional (YE Dec 2025 edition, Tables 1 & 4b)

The latest figure is provisional, and revisions have been large

YE Dec 2025's 171,000 is a provisional estimate. The YE Dec 2024 figure was revised as part of the same release — this series has a track record of meaningful revision between provisional and later editions, so a single provisional figure should be read as a current best estimate, not a final one.

Source: ONS, Long-term international migration bulletin, YE December 2025

Net migration is not asylum, and it is not illegal entry

Asylum makes up about 14% of non-EU+ arrivals by reason — work and study together are the larger share. Detected illegal-route arrivals (46,497 in 2025) are a separate, smaller, and differently-measured figure again — they count detected events, not people confirmed to be living in the UK unlawfully, and cannot be added to or compared directly with the net migration total.

Source: ONS Table 4b; Home Office illegal entry routes dataset

The composition has changed more than the level, since Brexit

Ending free movement changed who makes up the total far more than how big it is. EU+ net migration is now negative, while non-EU+ nationals account for the great majority of arrivals — see Brexit and immigration for the full before-and-after.

Source: ONS, Long-term international migration (Table 1)

What it means

What the data directly shows
Net migration fell sharply between YE Dec 2024 and YE Dec 2025 on the latest provisional estimate; gross immigration is far larger than the net figure; British and EU+ nationals show negative net migration; asylum is a minority of non-EU+ arrivals by reason.
What can reasonably be inferred
The fall in net migration is consistent with policy changes affecting work and study visa routes over the same period (see the 'what can change this' section below), though this page's data does not isolate how much of the fall each specific policy caused.
What is disputed
How much further net migration will fall, and whether the current level represents a new stable trend or a temporary adjustment, is disputed among analysts — this is a description of what has happened, not a forecast of what will happen next.
A political judgement, not a finding
What the 'right' level of net migration is, and which routes should be prioritised or restricted, are political choices this data does not settle.
What the evidence cannot establish
This data cannot establish the size of the UK's illegally resident population (no official estimate has been published since 2005), nor precisely how much of the net-migration fall is attributable to any single policy change versus other factors.

What can change this

Where there are meaningful policy levers on this picture — immigration policy is one of the more directly government-controlled areas on this site.

Work and study route eligibility rules

Current policy

Salary thresholds, dependant rules and course-eligibility rules for work and study visas directly affect the two largest components of non-EU+ arrivals by reason.

Evidence:
ONS Table 4b shows work and study together were the largest share of non-EU+ arrivals by reason in 2025, as charted above.
Expected effect:
Tightening eligibility reduces gross immigration on those specific routes; the scale of effect depends on the specific rule change.
Time horizon:
Months to a year, given visa processing and application-cycle lead times.
Trade-offs:
Work and study migrants contribute to specific sectors (e.g. NHS staffing, university funding) that this page does not separately quantify.
Unknowns:
How much any single rule change explains of the fall already observed between 2024 and 2025.

Asylum processing capacity and returns agreements

Current policy

Processing speed and returns agreements affect how quickly asylum claims are resolved and how many unsuccessful claimants are returned, though not the number of people arriving to claim asylum in the first place.

Evidence:
39% of initial asylum decisions in the year to March 2026 were grants of protection, per the illegal-entry dataset caveat above.
Expected effect:
Faster processing and more returns would reduce the resident asylum-seeker population without necessarily reducing arrivals.
Time horizon:
Ongoing, dependent on processing capacity and international agreements.
Trade-offs:
Faster processing requires sustained investment in caseworker capacity; returns agreements require the cooperation of other states.
Unknowns:
This page does not separately track processing times or returns volumes as registry-verified figures.

Irregular-route deterrence and detection

Current policy

Border enforcement and deterrence measures aim to reduce detected illegal-route arrivals (46,497 in 2025), a small component of the total picture relative to gross immigration.

Evidence:
Home Office illegal entry routes dataset, as charted above.
Expected effect:
Even a large percentage change in detected irregular arrivals would be a small absolute change relative to gross immigration (813,000) — this page does not claim otherwise.
Time horizon:
Ongoing.
Trade-offs:
Enforcement measures do not address undetected entry or visa overstaying, the largest unmeasured components of irregular residence.
Unknowns:
No official estimate of the illegally resident population exists to measure total effect against.

What does immigration contribute — and what would cutting it change?

An interactive tool built on the OBR's published migration scenario: move a slider to cut annual net migration and see the modelled effect on tax receipts, public-service costs, borrowing and debt — alongside what migration currently contributes to the NHS, the workforce and the economy, and an honest account of the questions official data cannot answer.

Open the interactive tool →

Local comparison

How this plays out locally

The national figures above are long-term international migration flows for the whole of the UK. This site does not currently carry a registry-verified local-authority breakdown of these flows on the same basis, so no local comparison is computed here rather than approximated from a different measure.

What is deliberately not published here

Earlier rounded comparisons of legal and irregular migration, workforce shares and fiscal effects have been withdrawn until each figure has a named primary dataset, matching period, geography, method and caveat.